Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
Recently I have received a number of emails containing the draft text of a document called the Worker's Charter. This is my response to the Charter's proponents and an invitation to discuss their project in more detail.
Kia ora koutou
I broadly agree with the principles expressed in the Worker's Charter. The problem I have with endorsing it is that I'm not sure exactly what it is I am endorsing. It is a charter? Is it an organisation? Is it an electoral platform? If I endorse the principles of the charter am I also endorsing any picket or other protest action that gets called under its banner? Who has the authority to make such calls to action? These are the sorts of questions that need to be clarified and communication to potential supporters of the Charter project if you want it to really take off.
Looking at the various left minnow parties that have coalesced out of the decaying remains of the Alliance it seems reasonable to suggest that to get a 5% block the far left needs to form a new shared electoral platform. The problem as usual is that every existing party thinks they are already doing that work and will see your initiative as a threat to unity and potentially as empire building by the SW and Unite activists who are its most vocal advocates. Then there are the anarchists, some of whom don't care at all while others will publicly scoff at any participation in electoral politics then vote Greens on the sly.
To be honest I'm one of those anarchists who votes Greens. I do not accept the common analysis of grassroots activists being on the far left of the parliamentary spectrum - the implication being that getting more activists into parliament drags it to the left. I know good people who work hard on issues like civil liberties, drug law reform etc but vote ACT. Many politicians across the MMP spectrum began as grassroots activists, worked their way through marginal parties and eventually into minor parties in parliament. Politicans are professional activists and activists are voluntary politicians. To pretend otherwise is in my opinon naive.
I believe what drags parliament in desirable directions is encouraging more people to become more politically active in their communities and spreading strong arguments supported by well documented evidence through those communities and thus to society at large. When the voters shift politicians will follow. Anticapitalist logic suggests there comes a point where parliament can no longer follow the will of the people because to do so would mean starting to uproot the basis of capitalism and simultaneously the basis of the state itself. At this point a parliamentary 'left party' would hang (divide by 0 error ;) whereas a community-based extra-parliamentary movement would already have been engaged in robust debate about alternative forms of large-scale democratic decision-making and would be in the process of making them a reality.
At best a left parliamentary party is a tool for crashing parliament through its own contradictions while building a grassroots movement against capitalism outside parliaments. So if you want a crashing party why not support the Greens? Join the party in large numbers. Go to conferences. Make input into policy formulation. Why not drag parliament to the left through an existing lever rather than trying to generate one from scratch under extremely trying political conditions? One that is ultimately likely to suffer from the same internal contradictions that tore apart the Alliance and left the Greens with a choice between coalition with Labour or losing electoral support to them due to voter's fear of National getting in (as has happened to ACT and NZ First due to their supporter's fear of Labour).
I think if you are asking people to endorse a set of policy principles you need to give at least a basic idea of what you intend to achieve and how. If you want to build an electoral platform around these principles I think it shows integrity to spell this out right from the start. I think it's also worth explaining what you think can be realistically gained from putting energy into electing politicians to parliament and - perhaps more importantly - what can't.
RnB
Strypey
For those who havn't yet seen it here is the draft text of the Worker's Charter
DRAFT
WORKERS CHARTER
Every worker is a human being who deserves the right to dignity.
For that right to be at the heart of our society, workers need economic
justice and democratic control over our future.
But what motivates society today is the selfish right of a privileged few to
gather wealth from the productive majority.
Workers are mere commodities, exploited and discarded like any other. Our
status in society is worsened by market competition, free trade and
commercialisation of public assets.
The wealth of New Zealanders on the Rich List skyrockets. Meanwhile the
living standards of the majority fall, and one in three children grow up in
poverty here in Aotearoa.
Wars of conquest to control global resources, like the US colonisation of
Iraq, expand corporate wealth and power at the cost of mass bloodshed and
suffering.
Profit-driven exploitation of the environment is fuelling global warming, an
oil crisis and other threats to life on our planet.
The end result is massive growth in social inequality and environmental
destruction. Our humanity and our environment have been sacrificed to the
god of profit. Our ability to resist is undermined by laws that ban most
strikes.
As a positive alternative, the Workers Charter promotes these core
democratic rights:
1. The right to a job that pays a living wage and gives us time with our
families and communities.
2. The right to pay equity for women, youth and casual workers.
3. The right to free public healthcare and education, and to liveable
superannuation and welfare.
4. The right to decent housing without crippling mortgages and rents.
5. The right to public control of assets vital to community well-being.
6. The right to protect our environment from corporate greed.
7. The right to express our personal identity free from discrimination.
8. The right to strike in defence of our interests.
9. The right to organise for the transfer of wealth and power from the haves
to the have-nots.
10. The right to unite with workers in other lands against corporate
globalisation and war.
These rights can only be secured by workers organising to extend democracy
into every sphere of the economy and the state. This will involve the
complete transformation of our society to serve the needs of the majority
rather than the greed of the minority.
The privileged few will resist fiercely. They will use their economic and
political power to try to deny workers our rights.
A mass mobilisation around the Workers Charter can give us the strength to
win the battle for democracy and reclaim our human dignity.
END



Comments
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
"Politicans are professional activists and activists are voluntary politicians. To pretend otherwise is in my opinon naive."
As an activist I don't claim any mandate to make decisions that affect other people. I rely on persuasion, voluntary participation and gaining people's consent. The only exception (and it can be a pretty big one at times) is maintaining a right to restrict others as part of collective or individual self-defence.
Politicians maintain a right to interfere in others lives, and ultimately, to use violence to enforce legislation, often in ways that can in no way be regarded as defensive. That's a ghuge difference between activists and politicians.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
Oh, and I agree with much of what you said about the charter.
Workers Charter history
I preffered Worker's Charter mark 1, because it was more class based and explicitly socialist.
Socialist Worker's’s forerunner, the Communist Party of New Zealand, openly promoted under its own name, a "Working class Charter for the union movement "13 years ago.
Their points then included:
∑ Uphold the principle of workingclass solidarity in order to build a united mass force against capitalism.
∑ Defend essential living standards, working conditions and social services
∑ Reject class collaboration(such as Workplace Reform)
∑ Defeat the Employment Contracts Act.
∑ Uphold the principle of workingclass democracy
∑ Defeat the minority dictatorship of big business which operates behind the screen of "parliamentary democracy"
∑ Reject National and Labour and all other parties helping capital to exploit labour.
∑ Reject both National and Labour as PROVEN servants of big business
( original emphasis D. F.)
∑ Uphold the principle of socialism as the only avenue to public ownership of the fruits of social labour
∑ Pledge wholehearted support to the struggles of our class comrades overseas
∑ Involve the mass of workers in the fulfillment of this programe
(printed in Workers Voice, 6/5/1992)
What happened to that first Charter?
Some of its aims were continued in a sharp struggle against Workplace Reform and a protracted campaign against the Employment Contracts Act.
Both of those continuations enjoyed some sucess.
But the Charter itself did not develop into a political movement.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
Responding to Strypey and Don.
We wrote our response to the WC over a month ago
http://redrave.blogspot.com/2005/08/workers-charter.html
Some may think it a bit harsh. Never mind.
We will always criticise people who say they represent workers and come up with only a reformist program. And we will impute class motives to their politics unless were proved wrong.
There is nothing in the workers charter that talks about replacing capitalism with socialism. We agree with Don on this point.
You could say that there are plenty of practical tasks that don't need such revolutionary talk. Like say fighting the ECA or Workplace Reform in the 1990s? We would say they failed because the next steps were not argued and fought for in advance of the 1980s and 1990s attacks on unions.
We say that all united front actions need to raise as propaganda the steps from industrial action to the general strike and onward to socialism.
The major problem with WC is that it limits united front actions within a reformist framework. United fronts are on specific practical demands which allows everybody to argue their political differences. This is best expressed in the Leninist slogan 'march separately, strike together'.
The WC approach by default is trying to get us to march together into parliament. Thus in the Supersize campaign the propaganda of the united front - $12 minimum, abolish youth rates - is couched in reformist terms. This is charmingly put in the WC point #1 a 'The right to a living wage that gives us time with our families and communities'.
Comrades, on the picket line someone has to say, capitalism gives us plenty of 'leisure' time with our families and communities, we want 'quality' time and this will only happen after a socialist revolution!
So WC as it stands is not a united front because it limits propaganda to economistic and immediate demands.
We are more than willing to work in real united fronts where we don't have to sign up to someone else's reformist program.
The logic of a socialist program is transitional.
Starting with immediate demands, say $12, this has to be backed by strong industrial unions able to strike and picket against strikebreakers. The lessons of the fight against the ECA tells us that this will fail without support from other workers and ultimately a general strike.
So even in the most basic fight for a living wage, we have to pose the necessity of making the transition to socialism in our propaganda.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
Sam, my point was that politicians are people from across the traditional left/right political spectrum who have taken advantage of the parliamentary system to turn activism into a lucrative career. I meant to challenge the notion that getting more activists into parliament is a gain for social justice and by pointing out that this is exactly how people become politicians in the first place.
Separated from this context my statement as quoted below is indeed a nonsense and I absolutely agree with the distinctions you have drawn between the political practice of activists and parliamentarians.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
Apart from the arguments against starting yet another organisation/movement (what other purpose could a charter have?) whose aims are largely congruent with those of already existing groups, with which I agree, the Workers Charter is also lame and toothless, especially compared to the 'Mark 1' that Don Franks posted.
The introduction talks about promoting core democratic rights - not demanding, not asserting, but promoting. This immediately indicates the range of activities that the signatories and endorsers expect to undertake. Promoting a cause is done by writing flyers and holding public meetings. In contrast to that, asserting one's rights potentially requires more drastic actions. By defining the charter's goal as promoting rights, the discussion as to what actions should be taken has been deliberately avoided.
The wording of the individual items is convoluted and equally toothless. E.g. instead of simply saying that we "demand pay equity for women", the Workers Charter wants to "promote the right to pay equity for women" - even Don Brash would probably sign up to that.
Also, a lot of the items are simply defending the current situation instead of asking for change. E.g. "The right to strike in defence of our interests". Workers currently have the right to strike for *their own* interests - what we don't have is the right to strike in solidarity with others but that's not mentioned in the Workers Charter.
Another example is "The right to organise for the transfer of wealth and power from the haves to the have-nots". Organising is perfectly legal at the moment and a lot of us are actively doing it. What I want is that the transfer of wealth takes place, not the right to organise towards it!
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
I agree with Marcus.
One of the most important things I mentioned to the group when I was involved for a couple of meetings, was that it didn't discuss at all anything about how we actually go about doing anything. They replied that that will be decided at the workers charter conference.
I'm not against the idea of a broad platform - but I would prefer it was specific about *how* we organise, rather than presenting a watereddown-social democratic charter.
The second thing, is this whole "movement" thing. How can you be a movement with 120 peoples names on a list - many of whom aren't involved.
Even then, taking on board Marcus's comments, making a new group or document, would only be useful if it actually organised people who otherwise weren't being organised at the moment and actually win something. (And even then - it would have to be to help them organise themselves)
bobo
workers democracy
What the working class needs is its own independent organisations - not 'charters' that tie it to the bosses' state with the illusion of bosses' democracy.
Trotsky said the biggest challenge to unions in the epoch of imperialism was breaking with their slavish dependence on the state apparatus.
CWG is willing to collaborate with any other political organisation that is trying to build fighting, democratic unions.
For us unions must become schools for revolution, not the factory fodder of bureaucrats.
At this point what we need is a rank and file network that builds support across all disputes whatever the union involved. This will allow the rank and file to develop across and against all the labour fakers and traitors.
There can be no shortcutting this step. Only a powerful, democratic, fighting labour movement can provide the launching pad for socialism.
Bobo is right that a movement cannot be willed into existence it has to emerge out of strong struggles.
We think that the key to building such a movement is workers democracy.
We say make 'workers' democracy' the slogan of the day.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
"Workers Charter wants to "promote the right to pay equity for women" - even Don Brash would probably sign up to that."
Maybe not Brash said this in 1996:
"The deregulation is not complete. The Act [Employment Contracts Act] provides for certain minimum entitlements that must be observed in employment contracts, including a minimum wage, minimum holiday entitlements, parental leave and equal pay for men and women."
http://www.rbnz.govt.nz/speeches/0031201.html
However I do agree the wording should be slightly stronger. Workers Charter should demand these rights.
Re: Open Letter to Worker's Charter supporters
i agree with the CWG on this. what we should be building is a strong rank and file movement. I think the IWW article about the split in the ALF-CIO is a much better "platform"....
IWW: An Appeal To the Rank-and-File
We can all agree that the AFL-CIO, and business unionism in general, is a dead-end for the working class in North America. We need a new international labor movement; one that is based on workers� self-organization and on the recognition of the inevitable conflict between labor and capital.
We of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) have stayed close to our roots and feel that we have some ideas and lessons, learned from bitter experience, for such a new labor movement. We feel that a new labor movement will have to return to the strategies and tactics of the workers� movement before it�s decent into the bureaucratic quagmire of business unionism if it is to go forward.
We have a few suggestions on how to proceed:
1. Organize the unorganized into self-managed industrial unions. Unions built from the grass-roots by worker organizers. Unions run by the membership to address their own needs and aspirations on the job. Unions that are independent of government and political parties. Unions that welcome all wage workers and unemployed, regardless of nationality, race, gender, political or religious creed, sexual orientation, etc, on the basis of strict equality. Unions in which all officers are directly elected by those they serve and are immediately recallable by the membership. Unions in which remuneration for officers is tied to the average wage of the workers involved; where term limits for officers are strictly observed; and, where the officer returns to the job when their term in office is over. We call this Solidarity Unionism.
2. Re-organize the miss-organized of the business unions via establishment of shop-committees that can take direct action on the job in pursuit of workers� needs outside of the restrictions of legal collective bargaining agreements. We reject dues check-off because joining a union should be a conscious commitment to solidarity not a �condition of employment�. We reject no-strike deals because we need to be able to act to defend and extend our rights at every opportunity. We reject �management�s rights� because they are inimical to our own.
3. Establish horizontal links between and among unions and shop committees to foster solidarity on a local, regional, national and international level. Build workers� centers in every community to reach out to all sectors of the working class and unemployed, including their kids.
4. Solidarity Unionism recognizes no restriction on what we should strive for. Health and safety at work, the environmental and social impact of what we produce, shorter and flexible hours of labor, universal health care - everything is fair game! Ultimately, we reject the employing class�s so-called �proprietary rights�. We want to gain control of the means of life!
We offer these ideas in the hope that the new labor movement that will necessarily emerge from the shipwreck known as business unionism can avoid the same mistakes of the past that have led us to the present impasse.
For the Works,
Chicago General Membership Branch � Industrial Workers of the World
P.O. Box 18387, Chicago, IL 60618, chicago@iww.org, Voicemail: (815) 550-2018
General Administration: Post Office Box 13476, Philadelphia, PA 19101 USA, (215) 222-1905, ghq@iww.org