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The Star Online > Lifefocus
Sunday August 10, 2008
Same old, same old

STRAY THOUGHTS
By A.ASOHAN

Myanmar’s ruling junta is hoping that its on-going human rights violations will become a non-issue, but let’s keep flogging this dead horse.

TWENTY years and two days ago, student activists in a little-known South-East Asian country stood up for democracy against their oppressive, tyrannical government.

People from all walks of life — civil servants, professionals, monks and plain old ordinary folk — all demanding democratic reform, soon joined them.

The military stepped in, and according to most news reports, gunned down thousands of these peaceful marchers.

The people stood firm however, and finally got their way. Two years later, the country held its first general election in decades, and a pro-reformation party won it hands-down. A new era beckoned.

Except that it didn’t. The military rulers declared the election null and void, slapped cuffs on the democratic leaders, and carried on their merry, violent way.

And the world looked on. Twenty years and two days later, the world is still looking on.

Oh sure, governments may issue a few verbal slaps on the wrists once in a while as a salve to their conscience — some even going so far as rapping knuckles — but they’re still only looking on.

Two days ago, while large parts of Asia celebrated the auspicious triple-fatt (08-08-08) or anticipated Olympic glory, people in cities across the world — as far away as San Francisco and London, and right here at home in Kuala Lumpur — marched peacefully in remembrance of the quadruple eight or “8888 Uprising” of Aug 8, 1988.

Coordinating their efforts via websites, alternative news portals, blogs and social media networks such as Facebook, many people across the world are still trying to keep Myanmar (or Burma) on the table of public discourse.

“Actually, for a problem like Burma, which seems so complex, the solution can be surprisingly simple — if only governments and the United Nations stopped talking so much and started doing more,” says K.P. Lee, a Malaysian journalist who has spent much of his working life as an activist.

Governments could turn the situation around right now, if they really wanted.

“What we are seeing in Burma today is a totally avoidable, man-made disaster caused by a particularly nasty regime, but this regime survives only because it is propped up by Asean’s impotence, China’s money and India’s weapons.

“That’s the great tragedy, and a huge frustration,” says the 42-year-old.

The United States and Britain saw fit to invade a sovereign country to save its millions from the tyranny of one dictator, going against international rule of law and the United Nations to do so. (Yes, I know, they first said it was because Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and was a hotbed of Al-Qaeda activity; they only changed their tune after their leaders’ lies were exposed.)

Nobody would dispute that the belligerent Saddam Hussein had committed horrific crimes against humanity. But his repressive government had also provided some basic amenities and infrastructure (most of which were destroyed by the invading forces) to the people.

Compare that with the abominations going on in Myanmar, where most of the population are under the poverty line, where government troops carry out state-sanctioned mass murders and gang rapes (against children too), and Iraq under Saddam seems like a model state.

Myanmar’s military junta is financing its genocide of tribes like the Karen with money made from trade. Governments allowing this to happen are still peddling the fantasy that some of the proceeds trickle down to the masses, despite all evidence to the contrary.

If I hear anyone say “constructive engagement” again, I’ll puke.

That was Asean’s excuse for getting involved with Myanmar’s repressive regime. Let economic prosperity open the door to democratic reform.

In 2005, there was a movement to deny Myanmar the Asean chair. The movement was led by ordinary citizens, activists, NGOs and even some politicians, all of whom had acknowledged that Asean’s “constructive engagement” gambit had failed miserably.

The movement found expression with tributes across the world on the 60th birthday of Myanmar’s “Lady Liberty” herself, the Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy that won the 1990 election, and is therefore the country’s rightful Prime Minister.

In a column I wrote then, I quoted Kraisak Choonhavan, a senator who had been leading this movement in Thailand: “When you see villages marked for relocation, state-sanctioned mass murder, gang rapes, disappearances and torture, you have a moral obligation not to engage that government in business.”

It’s now three years later, and Suu Kyi just celebrated her 63rd birthday still under house arrest.

Governments are still pussyfooting around the issue, declaring as victories the fact that the Myanmar regime allowed some international aid — and only some, mind you — to go through to the victims of the devastating Cyclone Nargis earlier this year.

Asean officials even praised the regime’s efforts, despite on-the-ground reports from international relief workers condemning the ruling junta’s slow response.

Earlier this year, at a meeting in Singapore, Myanmar finally ratified the Asean charter that will see it subject to certain rules, including those on human rights.

Given that it had promised democratic reforms when it first joined the regional grouping all those years ago, then never bothered keeping those promises, it will be interesting to see what would happen now if it breaches the terms of the charter.

Will Asean finally summon the cojones to act?

Or perhaps we should just stop expecting governments to do, you know, government-ish stuff like that.

While what’s going on in Myanmar is frustrating and heart-breaking, journalist Lee sees hope in what he calls a “quiet revolution.”

“Many Burmese groups, working ‘underground’ and under dangerous conditions, are changing the way people think. They are teaching people about their rights, what to expect from a government, about democracy, economics, security ... they are working to empower them.

“Many very brave people, including youths and women, are learning and then sharing this information in towns and remote areas all around the country.

“That’s a key part to changing Burma, I feel. Ultimately it has to come from within. I feel hopeful for Burma because when — and not if — democracy comes, the people will be ready,” he says.

A. Asohan, New Media Editor at The Star, is too riled up to say anything whimsical in this footnote.