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East Timor: Iraq on our doorstep

nzsoldier.jpgIt is a strategically located country, rich in oil and gas, with a long and tragic history of invasion and colonisation. The latest chapter in that history began this decade, when the United States and some of its allies organised an invasion. George Bush and his Deputy Sheriff John Howard argued that the country had become a 'failed state', a growing magnet for terrorists, and a threat to its neighbours.
The invaders quickly spread out across the country, and were even given a cautious welcome by some locals tired of chaos and violence. This welcome quickly disappeared, though, when the invaders showed their arrogance and their appetite for the resources of the conquered country. Their soldiers broke up political demonstrations, and their diplomats and businessmen began to demand deals that secured their control of the country's energy reserves. They installed a puppet government in the country's capital, and called this government a triumph of democracy.

Links: Peace Action Wellington | Global Peace and Justice Auckland | Reading the Maps | World Socialist Website | On Labour continues warmongering

Soon a movement of resistance had begun in the occupied country. Because of the chaos the invasion and occupation had exacerbated, the movement was without central leadership or a unifying strategy. Parts of it were organised along regional and ethnic lines; other parts took their inspiration from fiery religious leaders. After the repression of street protests, the resistance began to use armed force. Members of the puppet government's army and police forces defected to the resistance as the violence increased. Soon law and order had broken down completely in most parts of the country, and the occupying powers were promising more troops and police in a fruitless effort to create stability.

Does all this sound familiar? Most readers would probably see it as a pretty accurate sketch of the last four years of Iraqi history. Only a few, though, would realise that it is also a description of the recent history of East Timor, a country that has been suffering an Australian-led, US-backed occupation since last May.

The latest occupation of East Timor was prompted by the policies that the country's Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri was following in 2004 and the first months of 2005. Alkatiri was an arrogant and sometimes repressive ruler, but he was attempting to make his country more independent of Australia and the United States. Alkatiri struck a number of economic deals with China and East Timor's former colonial ruler Portugal. Alkatiri also refused to take loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, organisations which had forced debt-ridden Pacific countries like the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea to introduce 'reforms' involving massive cuts in government spending, job losses, and the sale of local resources to Australian and New Zealand companies.

Even worse, from the point of view of the governments in Canberra and Washington, Alkatiri had attempted to renegotiate the terms of Australia's control of the rich gas fields that lie under seabed that belongs to East Timor. Alkatiri wanted a bigger share of the huge profits from this gas to go to East Timor.

Worried by Alkatiri's moves, Australia and the United States began a campaign of destabilisation against his government. Exploiting East Timor's extreme poverty and regional, cultural, and ethnic divisions, they spread propaganda that painted Alkatiri, who is a Muslim with Arab ancestors, as an enemy of Catholics and of people from the west of the country. They funded demonstrations by right-wing Catholic groups, and hijacked a mutiny by a group of soldiers in East Timor's army who had complained of being discriminated against because they grew up in the west.

By May East Timor was ablaze, as the army and police split along regional lines and shadowy right-wing groups began a dirty war against the 'communist Muslim' government in Dili. Along with New Zealand's government, which was desperate to atone for its 'failure' to join the invasion of Iraq, Australia and the US organised a military intervention which forced Alkatiri from office and installed Washington and Canberra loyalist Jose Ramos-Horta in his place.

But the chaos in East Timor has only worsened since last May, as even anti-Alkatiri parts of the population turn against the occupying army. Alfredo Reinado was a former major in the East Timorese army with close links to Canberra who had taken control of the 2006 mutiny and acted as a cheerleader for the Anzac invasion of his country. Eventually, though, Reinado fell out with the occupiers and found himself in prison. Last August Reinado escaped from custody along with dozens of supporters and fled to the countryside. On February the 25th Reinado and an armed band raided two police stations, seizing weapons. Popular now as a symbol of resistance to the occupation, Reinado appears to be plotting a guerilla war.

In the East Timor capital Dili, Anzac troops are increasingly resorting to brute force to keep the lid on anti-occupation feeling. In the last week of February thousands of Dili residents took to the streets to protest the killing of two youths by Australian troops. The young men were part of a group that had fired steel arrows at the Australians, and in the aftermath of their deaths there have been new attacks on Anzac troops patrolling Dili. After Australian troops launched a bloody but unsuccessful raid against Reinado's forces on March the 4th, supporters of the rebel major blocked the streets of Dili with burning tyres, threw rocks at police, and chanted 'Australians go home!' A day later East Timor's puppet President Xanana Gusmao issued a decree giving foreign troops the right to detain people without any legal authorisation, and to break up any political gathering deemed a security risk. John Howard promised more resources to 'secure stability' in East Timor.

It is clear that the Bush-Howard brand of neo-colonialism has been a disaster in East Timor, as well as Iraq. In both countries, invasion has meant the theft of key resources, the deepening of social and economic chaos, the exacerbation of regional and ethnic differences, and repression at the point of a foreigner's gun.

Despite all this, there is no movement in Australia or New Zealand to demand the withdrawal of Anzac troops and police from East Timor. On March the 17th, people around the world will take to the streets to condemn the disastrous invasion of Iraq, and to demand the end of the US-led occupation of the country. In the long years since the first bombs of 'Operation Iraqi Freedom' fell on downtown Baghdad, hundreds of thousands of Aussies and Kiwis have protested against George Bush's exercise in neo-colonialism. Only a tiny number have protested against the same neo-colonialism in East Timor.

Some parts of the Australasian left have actually supported the occupation of East Timor. The Green Parties of both Australia and New Zealand oppose the war in Iraq, but have been cheerleaders for the invasion and occupation of East Timor. Even the Green Left Weekly, Australasia's largest socialist newspaper, refused to oppose the invasion of May 2006.

It is the blind spot created by nationalism that has stopped many on the Kiwi left from opposing imperialism in East Timor. Groups like the Green Party are happy to rail against things the US army is doing on the other side of the world, but they fall into line when 'our troops' are involved in operations in 'our backyard'. The Greens think that New Zealand capitalism and the New Zealand state are basically progressive, and have to be preserved and strengthened as bulwarks against foreign multinational companies and unilateralist governments in Washington.

Veteran Green Party foreign affairs spokesman Keith Locke has argued time and time again that New Zealand has to be involved in Australian-led and US-backed military interventions in the Pacific, so that ‘our troops’ can be a force for justice, and keep an eye on the forces sent by the regional sheriff Australia. New Zealand can help restrain John Howard and his backers in Washington, and make sure that military interventions in places like East Timor and the Solomon Islands act in the interests of the local population.

We've heard the same arguments before, of course - from Tony Blair. Blair and his supporters constantly argue that the best way to temper US unilateralism is to support US wars, and then use the influence this support supposedly gives to make the wars are waged 'humanely' and for 'progressive ends'. Just as the disaster in Iraq discredits Blair's arguments, so the disaster in East Timor discredits the Green Party.

It's about time the Aussie and Kiwi anti-war movements protested imperialist aggression in their own backyard, as well as on the other side of the world. When we march against war and imperialism this Saturday we should coin a new slogan:

'Anzac forces out - hands off East Timor!'
 
 
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Socialist Party of Timor and Timor Leste Presedential elections

Timorese prepare to elect new president

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March 10, 2007 - 5:19PM
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Bodyguards are high on the wish list of some candidates campaigning to replace East Timor President Xanana Gusmao in a poll on April 9.

With military operations against fugitive Alfredo Reinado continuing in the mountains and chronic violence simmering in the East Timorese capital, three of eight contenders have asked for close protection during campaigning.

"Anything can happen in our current situation," 70-year-old Xavier do Amaral said, "It's best to be prepared."

He accepted a UN offer of a bodyguard, while two others, Lucia Lobato and Fernando de Araujo, reportedly asked Gusmao to provide protection from his own security staff.

When Amaral stood against the ex-guerrilla commander in the last presidential poll in 2001, it was to ensure that more than one candidate stood in East Timor's first free election. No one else was willing.

By contrast, the 2007 poll promises to be closely fought between a range of politically experienced candidates. The choice reflects the high stakes after months of conflict during which the credibility of the formerly unchallenged government party Fretilin has been severely dented.

All candidates had completed legal requirements to stand by Friday (9 March), with campaigning due to start in earnest.

Among those on the left is Fretilin veteran Francisco 'Lu-Olo' Guterres, who has served as parliamentary speaker since 2001 and will have the full weight of the historic "Party of Liberation" behind him.

Experienced analysts see Fretilin as a party strong among rural voters for its 24 year record of resistance against Indonesian occupation.

Avelino Coelho da Silva of the Timorese Socialist Party (PST) is another sort of leftist. He is the closest to a Che Guevara East Timor can offer, and his firebrand oratory could attract younger voters.

Fernando de Araujo of the Democratic Party (PD) was a founder of the student resistance movement to Indonesia, and later the cell mate of Xanana Gusmao.

His party was the most-voted opposition party in parliamentary elections six years ago, but trailing far behind Fretilin's 57.8 per cent. He is identified with the rebellion against the Fretilin government in western regions.

The only female candidate is Lucia Lobato, a young, articulate parliamentarian for the Social Democrat party, which polled closely behind the PD.

The internationally best-known candidate is prime minister and Nobel Peace laureate Jose Ramos Horta, an independent. He swapped the office of foreign minister for prime minister last June after the fall from grace of Fretilin premier Mari Alkatiri.

With Guterres and Lasama, he is a frontrunner, but the final result will depend on a trade-off of preferences and alliances if the contest goes to a second round.

Ramos Horta's brother-in-law Joao Carrascalao, founder of the conservative Democratic Timorese Party (UDT) is also standing, along with monarchist Manuel Tilman, a deputy from the KOTA party, which advocates the restoration of the power of traditional chiefs.

Amaral, Araujo, Lobato and Tilman, are of the Mambai ethnic group identified with Major Reinado's western revolt. They could siphon support from Fretilin's traditional voters in these districts, and benefit from the disaffected youth vote, but it promises to be a tightly fought battle.

The UN and East Timor's international donors are pulling out all the stops to ensure the election goes ahead smoothly despite its volatile backdrop.

According to Steven Wagensall, UN advisor to East Timor's independent National Electoral Commission, "Around 400,000 previous voters have been confirmed and we will have around 100,000 new cards-mainly of 17-year-olds voting for the first time, but also of people renewing cards lost or destroyed".

He said advisers, communications and transport were being provided, along with generous technical support in all outlying districts.
 

Is the PST leadership mistaken?

On the Green Left Weekly e list, somebody who opposes calling for troops out of East Timor, posted an interview in which do Coelho, the leader of the Socialist Party of Timor, says that he supports Aussie-led troops staying in East Timor, only play a mediating role'. Coelho says Aussie troops 'shouldn’t be taking sides in domestic Timorese political struggles'.
blogs.usyd.edu.au/maxlaneintlasia/2007/03/east_timor_presidential_electi.html

The PST's 'critical support' for the occupation has often been cited by those who oppose pulling Anzac troops out of East Timor. There's a parrallel with the case of the Iraqi Communist Party, which gave 'critical support' to the US-led occupation of its country and at one stage entered a US interim administration, and was cited by some people as proof of the legitimacy of the occupation.

I don't know whether the Socialist Party of Timor leadership is being cynical, as the Iraqi 'Communists' certainly were, or whether they genuinely believe that Australin troops can be a force for peace and reconciliation in East Timor.

I do know that the evidence is overwhelming that Aussie troops have not acted as disinterested mediators, in East Timor, in other parts of the Asia Pacific region, and in the Middle East. The Green Left Weekly has itself documented the misdeeds of the Aussie army in great detail. Aussie troops are not the armed wing of Amnesty International - they are controlled by the US's closest ally in this part of the world.

I agree that we need to pay close attention to what leftists on the ground in a place like East Timor say. Do we have to agree with them, though, when they put forward an idea which is clearly erroneous, like the idea that Aussie (and Kiwi) troops can act as imparital mediators? Surely, as people who live 'in the belly of the beast', we have to share our knowledge of the true nature of the policies our governments are using their troops to pursue in places like East Timor?

Whether or not they were at first welcomed, it is now clear, even from mainstream media reports, that Australian troops are opposed by large numbers of East Timorese. The slogan 'Australians go home!' was already being shouted by hundreds of Dili residents last December. In the last week of February and first week of this month it was taken up again in big demonstrations, as East Timorese reacted with anger to the murder of two youths by Australian troops and then the bloddy raid on Reinado supporters. I hope no one is going to suggest that the thousands of people who built burning barricades and threw rocks at police and soldiers while chanting 'Australians go home!' on March the 5th were out of touch ultra-leftists.

When we put together our knowledge of the thrust of Howard government foreign policy in the Asia Pacific region and reports from East Timor, we have a compelling case for raising the demand for the withdrawal of troops from the country.
We should take up the slogans of the Dili street, not the mistaken line of the PST's leaders.
 

Re: Is the PST leadership mistaken?

Thanks for writing this article Scott. Raised some very good points and should hopefully get some local activists thinking.

I met Avelino Coelho da Silva, the leader of the Socialist Party of Timor Leste, in 2005 when he visited Auckland on a speaking tour. He came across as someone generally concerned for the well being of people of Timor Leste and was able to articulate the bad things elites in Timor Leste and what he called 'Australian neo-colonialism' were doing to poor Timorese people.

He has had quite a good record standing up to imperialism of Indonesia (he risked his life to do this) and speaking out against the neo-colonialism of Australia (other than the 2006 intervention). I think I'd need to talk to Coelho da Silva again before I fully judged his stance on the intervention because I don't fully understand it currently, although at this moment it seems a bit strange.

We defintely need to try and get in contact with grass roots leftist Timorese who oppose Australian imperialism. However, we also need to remember not everyone protesting against Australia's presence are progressive left wing types. Followers of Alfredo Reinado, the reactionary Army officer, whose mutiny helped start this crisis, have recently been rioting in Dili. It seems Reinado was useful to the occupiers until Alkatari was gone. (well at least that's my theory).

Not all New Zealand's "mainstream left" and Timor Solidarity activists supported Australia and NZ's 2006 intervention. Chris Trotter wrote an opinion piece pretty much coming to the conclusion it's all about oil. Maire Leadbeater's recently released book 'Negligent Neighbour: New Zealand's complicity in the invasion and occupation of Timor Leste' describes the 2006 intervention as 'neo-colonialist'. I was talking with some long time East Timor solidarity campaigners a few months ago and they were extremely critical of the way NZ/Oz "peace keeping operations" create a dual economy in places like Timor and the Solomon Islands ie one providing goods and services to foreign soliders - an economy that doesn't really benefit poor Timorese. Murray Horton from CAFCA had a good article on Timor and the Solomons in the recent issue of Peace Researcher.

In order to have an effective and coherent campaign against the intervention in Timor I think we need to do some more research and make some good contacts on the ground over there. Currently I think we have enough info to confidently campaign against Australia's oil theft and also against New Zealand recently re-establishing ties with the Indonesian Military. The Indonesian Miliary, who are basically contract killers for the elite, are currently turning West Papua into another Timor.
 

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Re: East Timor: Iraq on our doorstep

 

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