In December 2006 the military of Fiji, led by Commodore Frank Bainimarama, took control of the country in Fiji's 4th coup in little over 19 years. Claiming as its mandate the need to rid Fiji of systemic corruption and promote democracy and human rights for all citizens regardless of race, the reality of the military's rule has turned out to be very different.

One gets the feeling in Fiji that all news that manages to get to viewers/readers has been carefully screened or is depicted in such a way that its worth is lost. For example, the Amnesty International report released at the end of May '08 which highlighted abuse/death in custody, severe restrictions of freedom of speech and freedom of movement, was framed by the television news to sound like the work of an amateur organisation of little repute that should in future 'get its facts straight'. Both people interviewed for the piece were from the interim government and none of the numerous local human rights groups were given a chance to comment. As a result of this limited access to the truth via television and print media, the information below is limited in scope as it is mostly obtained from conversations between myself and people from the grassroots of Fijian society on a topic many are too scared to talk about.

In preparation for the coup, military personnel were positioned across the Fijian Island group, from Kadavu in the south, the Lau group in the east and Rotuma in the north-west. Following the coup in early December '06, the military detained people right across the country who tried to organise against it or who simply spoke out against them. The detainees were mistreated with a variety of methods - all having the desired affect of scaring those in custody to the point of political apathy.

Many were beaten - three to death. Some were instructed to crawl on the ground like children, others made to waddle like ducks as their tormentors looked on. Continuous exercise was also common as forced running took many to the brink of collapse. Some were made to complete such exercises without clothing, something which is unimaginably embarrassing in a society whose two main populations (Fijian and Indo-Fijian) are extremely conservative regarding their dress. What's more, some people were humiliated beyond belief by being made to play with other captors' genitals as soldiers laughed and watched. The vast majority of these incidences are from the first six months of the coup, a period when for much of the time martial law reigned and after which political dissent decreased due to a culture of fear being imposed upon the population by the military.

In saying this, the military still keeps a presence in the main centres (Suva, Nadi, Lautoka) to ensure people do not step out of line. Military checkpoints remain on the streets of Suva in the evenings, one girl told me almost in a whisper, how just recently she was in a car which was stopped by the military. She explained how they were all asked to present their identification, after which one of the males was dragged from the car and taken away. Weeks later she remains unaware of what happened to him.

She continued, this time almost too nervous to carry on, explaining how some of her friends were given a hiding by the military for no reason. They were taken in military vehicles from the streets of Suva one night, beaten black and blue and returned to the spot they had been taken from 2 hours prior. In a situation like this, very few choose to dissent. It is just the very brave or those who have the safety of the public spotlight who dare to speak against the military. As a result, many of the population act as mere spectators in the affairs of their own country.

Those in the public spotlight still dissent at their own risk however, as 2008 has seen two high profile newspaper publishers deported. In February Russel Hunter from the Fiji Sun and in April Evan Hannah of the Fiji times were deported. The case of Hannah is particularly interesting. Hannah was deported because the interim government believed he was a threat to national security. This claim is contentious enough but it is the style in which the deportation was carried out that is particularly revealing of the regime's style. Police and military raided his home at2-3am while Hannah, his wife and their young family were sleeping. He was detained and taken to Nadi airport where he was deported to Australia. The deportation ignored a high court order for Hannah's appearance in court on 2nd May making a joke of the interim government's claim of an independent judiciary and what's more, this all took place on the eve of world press freedom day.

As you can see from this brief overview, life for the people of Fiji is both frightening and unpredictable. Promises of a return to democracy mean very little as history shows us that power will simply be taken once more if the powerful's agenda is not followed.

What is required is a popular movement from the people to stop the coup culture and put an end to human rights abuses. This however is easier said than done. Years of racism and divide and rule policies under the colonial regime has ensured distrust of the Indo-Fijians by the Fijians. This has been heightened by Fijians such as Sitiveni Rabuka and George Speights who used racism to secure power for themselves in the 1987 and 2000 coups. On top of this, efforts of reconciliation by the government are tokenistic at best and these factors result in a divided and disinterested population.

Until the masses of Fijians and Indo-Fijians accept their commonality and recognise how they have been played off against each other for more than a century to benefit those with power, the prospect for authentic democracy in Fiji is bleak. Obviously such a revelation is not in the interest of those in power and will not come from their schools and institutions. It must come from the grassroots - whether or not this will occur is anyone's guess though I hope that for the benefit of the people here, that it does.

From the AI report on human rights in Fiji in 2007

• In January, a man died from a brain haemorrhage within hours of being detained by the military. One soldier was charged for the beating, although others were reported to have taken part.
• In June, a young man fell into a coma and died, following assaults by soldiers in Nadi. Eight soldiers were later charged with his killing.
• Another man was killed while being interrogated by police officers in June. The coroner’s report concluded that he had died from severe internal injuries. Nine police officers were subsequently charged with his killing.
• In November, several people accused of planning to assassinate key members of the interim government were detained for more than 48 hours without charge. Some were allegedly brutally beaten by plain clothes soldiers.
• Between December 2006 and July 2007, hundreds of people were forced to strip naked, run around fields, or touch each other’s private parts. Many were also physically assaulted by soldiers and police officers.